By Matthew Parish
Following the brutal wars which raged within the former Yugoslavia within the early Nineteen Nineties, Bosnia and Herzegovina used to be awkwardly partitioned into governing entities: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska. yet there has been one a part of the rustic that may now not be outfitted into both classification: the Breko District, a strategically serious land-bridge among the 2 elements of the Bosnian Serb territory. This sector was once the topic of a hugely strange scan: positioned less than a regime of across the world supervised govt, Breko grew to become a ""free city,"" evoking the reminiscence of Trieste or Danzig within the nineteenth century. What has this scan in state-building printed concerning the heritage of this afflicted nook of the Balkans - and its destiny? What classes may be utilized to clash answer in different elements of the area? And used to be the scan profitable or have the voters of Breko suffered extra by the hands of the foreign group? A loose urban within the Balkans investigates the increase and fall of Breko and post-war Bosnia and investigates what classes will be discovered for foreign peacekeeping missions elsewhere.
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Extra resources for A Free City in the Balkans: Reconstructing a Divided Society in Bosnia (International Library of War Studies)
Both sets of elections brought nationalist politicians to power, elected by each of the country’s three ethnic groups exclusively from their own constituencies. Once elected, those politicians’ uncompromising agendas meant that they could agree upon nothing and the country lacked any effective central government. This trait, once established, continued to the present day; many commentators agree that post-war Bosnia has never had a functioning central government. Once the precedent for obstruction and failures of cooperation had been set, it proved impossible subsequently to break the pattern.
World events cause reactions by powerful countries, and some of those reactions involve the creation of international organisations. But international organisations are only children of those events, not real actors within them. They are created out of the balance of power between the principal powerful nations of the world, rather than affecting that balance of power. The charge against them is thus that they do not make any difference to outcomes: ‘institutions cannot get states to stop behaving as short-term power maximizers’ (Mearsheimer 1995).
After OHR was granted broad legislative and executive powers in December 1997 (see Chapter Four), all manner of arbitrary internal rules began to take shape about how the organisation could or could not use its power. It started to see itself as the final authority in interpreting the peace agreements which created it and thus it could set its own mandate. Those members of the international community outside the country, cocooned in the foreign affairs departments of governments around the world, knew little of the complex situation on the ground in 26 A FREE CITY IN THE BALKANS Bosnia, or of the detailed and opaque legal and political work in which OHR was engaging.
A Free City in the Balkans: Reconstructing a Divided Society in Bosnia (International Library of War Studies) by Matthew Parish