By John Krige
In 1945, the USA used to be not just the most powerful financial and army strength on this planet; it was once additionally the world's chief in technology and expertise. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technological know-how in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar medical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the US. They mobilized political and fiscal aid to advertise not only America's clinical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly conflict political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this test at clinical dominance by way of the usa may be visible as a kind of "consensual hegemony," related to the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this inspiration to research a chain of case reports that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technology Committee, and influential contributors of the clinical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia college and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize medical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations learn. He info U.S. help for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's research exhibits how consensual hegemony in technological know-how not just served the pursuits of postwar ecu reconstruction yet grew to become differently of protecting American management and "making the area secure for democracy."
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Extra info for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe (Transformations: Studies in the History of Science and Technology)
And the Kremlin forbade East European countries from participating in the scheme—as Jan Masaryk, the Czech foreign minister, put it bitterly, after being summoned to be told of the ban: “I went to Moscow as the Foreign Minister of an independent sovereign state. ”16 Marshall aid was not only conditional on coalition governments marginalizing the influence of Communist parties but was also intended to push Europeans along the path toward closer economic integration. The secretary of state implied that Europeans were to view the problem of recovery as a whole, and see what contribution each could make to the mutual benefit of all.
11 Given the dramatic economic situation in Western Europe in the winter of 1946–47 and the growing strength of Communist parties in some countries, it was inevitable that the president would soon extend the scope of his aid program. It was a logical consequence of his universalization of a specific threat and of his analysis of the socioeconomic roots of Communism. Indeed, in a famous memorandum of 27 May, less than three weeks after Truman’s package had been finally agreed by the House, an alarmed Undersecretary of State William Clayton wrote to Dean Acheson that an 20 Chapter 2 aid package of $6–8 billion annually for three years was needed to save a Europe that was “steadily deteriorating.
Britain’s exceptionalism demands an analysis of the exercise of American power there that reflects these realities: it falls beyond the scope of this book, which concentrates on continental Europe. A Closer Look at Two Countries: Italy and Germany To complement the broad picture described above, it is useful to look more closely at the situations in two countries that did seek Marshall aid for science, Italy and Germany. Both lived with the historical legacies of fascist regimes and of having been defeated in the war.
American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe (Transformations: Studies in the History of Science and Technology) by John Krige